The latest word on the topic, coming from the New York Times, chronicles the growing difficulties historians face in documenting the county’s past. Historian Archives, particularly those with damning information concerning the KGB and the country’s other secret services, have now become closed or redacted to the point of uselessness.

Russia has still largely not dealt with the violence inflicted by Soviet authorities, instead voicing an official stance that apologies should not be made for the past.

“Russia positions itself as a completely different democratic country with democratic values, but at the same time, it does not reject, it does not disassociate itself and does not condemn the regime that preceded it,” said Vasily Khanevich, a historian interviewed by the Times. “On the contrary, it defends it.”

Attitudes at Russian schools have also changed. Authors of controversial new history textbooks, which have been accused of justifying Stalin’s repressions, openly admit that the texts seek to teach a “modern ideology.” The intent, they say, is to “foster a civic and patriotic viewpoint in the young person.”

Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov has written his own book, titled “Stalin and the Modern Age,” which jumps on this resurgent image of Stalin and the Soviet Union, especially among younger Russians.

“It is no secret,” a press-release about the book writes, “that now, during a growing rift in society, people tired of hoping for positive changes in the country are more than ever remembering Stalin with kind words.”

“Time,” the release continues, “is sweeping away the trash thrown by detractors on Stalin’s grave.”

While many spectators came out to watch the military parade and listen to speeches, a large contingent of supporters of the Communist Party (KPRF) marched through central Moscow and expressed outrage at the Kremlin, the Sobkor®ru news agency reports.

An estimated 9 thousand Communist demonstrators took to the streets, chanting “Beat this authority!” “We cannot be broken!” “Down with modern fascism!” “We took the Reichstag, and we’ll take the Kremlin!” “Down with densifying construction!” “Luzhkov, densify yourself!” “The Federation Council will be ours!” “Bears [Medvedi, a play on Medvedev] into the woods!” and “Freedom for political prisoners!”

Gennady Zyuganov, the leader of the Communists, led the procession. Speaking before the crowd at the Teatralnaya ploschad, Zyuganov said that for this holiday, the authorities had only given one present to veterans – higher prices for consumer products and public services. Zyuganov added that all the military gear rolling through Red Square was created during Soviet times, and that no new technology was being created. He went on to say that not one new factory had been opened in recent memory.

The Communist leader then accused Russia’s Finance Minister, Aleksei Kudrin, of letting capital flow out the country at a time when funds should be allocated for the country’s social services. Zyuganov also thanked supporters who voted for him during presidential elections, and who cast ballots to bring the KPRF into the Parliament.

It should be noted that before the event began, 20 members of the Council of Orthodox Banner-bearers who tried to join the Communists, were arrested. The group was charged with breaking the picketing rules.

Arrests also took place at other demonstrations in the city. Four youth activists trying to unfurl a banned reading “No to fascism of all stripes,” were nabbed by OMON riot police, as was a nearby photographer. Another opposition activist, Suren Yedigarov of the United Civil Front, was leading a solitary picket against President Dmitri Medvedev when the militsiya tried to grab his sign, and then detained him when he resisted.

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A photo-report of the Communist march, courtesy of Kasparov.ru

A report by Al Jazeera covering the military parade:

Vladimir Churov, the head of Russia’s Central Electoral Commission, has already told RIA Novosti that “record” numbers of voters took part in the contest.

Yet as votes continue to be counted, Russian electoral monitors are revealing another side of the story. As evidenced by reports from across Russia, widespread violations and falsifications took place during the March 2nd election. Anecdotal accounts indicate that numerous methods, from ballot stuffing to voter coercion have been used to raise turnout and guarantee a win for Medvedev.

In Moscow, observers from the Communist Party (KPRF) noted a difference between the number of voters who came to polling station No. 2881 and the number of votes the station had recorded. According to Anna Novolodskaya, a candidate to the local municipal assembly, electoral officials listed 108 extra votes.

Ilya Yashin, the leader of the “Yabloko” youth wing, revealed that one of their activists was given the chance to vote five times in Russia’s capital. Dmitri Volov, who resides in the northern city of Murmansk, went to seven polling stations, and explained to electoral staff that he didn’t have time to take out an absentee ballot from his hometown, but that he desperately wanted to vote for Dmitri Medvedev. Only two voting places told Volov that voting without an absentee ballot was illegal. The other five happily issued the activist a ballot.

In another Moscow district, Northern Butovo, the Yabloko press-service revealed that some 30% of votes were cast by absentee ballot. When asked, young people who voted this way explained that they were paid 200 rubles for each ballot cast.

Another common practice has been nicknamed the “carousel.” Sergei Dovgal, a candidate to the local municipal assembly, explained what he saw in the North and North-East Moscow precincts: Between two to seven buses full of students and residents of Moscow’s suburbs drive between voting stations. The passengers approach an electoral representative, showing their passports, which have a mark of identification – in this case, a pencil check mark in the box showing marital status. The official then notes down each passenger’s last name, then hands then a voting ballot. The whole procedure then continues at the next polling station.

Coercion of students, hospital patients, and soldiers was also recorded. Military cadets in one St. Petersburg academy were instructed who to vote for up to a month in advance, according to an anonymous source. The source explained that during the vote, the cadets were forced to take their ballots and complete them in front of a commanding officer.

In the south-western city of Voronezh, both cadets and military units were taken to a school that contained two polling stations. According to a KPRF monitor, the soldiers were allowed to vote once at each station.

Residents of one dormitory of the Russian State University for the Humanities were also compelled to vote in the presidential election. Students told the Sobkor®ru news agency that a faculty director came on the building announcement system, and commanded students to “perform their constitutional obligation.” He noted that the directive came from the University president, Yefim Pivovar, and that students should vote before 1 PM. Faculty vice-deans then walked door-to-door in the residence hall, telling students that they would not leave the building until all registered students voted.

Monitors from the Communist Party in St. Petersburg stopped one woman from dropping 27 filled-out ballots into the ballot box, according to ZAKS.ru. After a brief conversation with militsiya officers, the woman was released.

Electoral monitors also discovered neatly stacked packets of ballots resting in ballot boxes, even before polling stations opened. At polling station No. 1513, one observer, Roman Udot, demanded that ballot boxes be opened and the packets removed. Each of the slips was marked off in favor of Dmitri Medvedev. Thankfully, Udot’s persistence means that the ballots there will be disqualified. Still, that didn’t keep electoral officials from trying to negotiate with the observer. Before the militsiya arrived to investigate, they offered to remove most of the ballots and leave just “two to three ballots in each box.”

Some Moscow polling stations were using other methods to distract observers. In the Chertanovo district, officials set up a special room for monitors at several stations. The room contained food, beer, wine, vodka, and cognac. Representatives of the electoral commission were insistent that monitors come into the room and enjoy themselves.

In Novosibirsk, the mayor’s office was offering a reward to the school whose polling stations counted the largest number of voters. According to the KPRF, the top school would receive 100 thousand rubles.

Electoral monitors also reported being kept from participating in vote counts, and being told to keep their distance from where ballots were being counted. By electoral law, observers must be kept no further than two meters from the vote counting table.

International electoral monitors have decided to wait until the vote is completed to release their reports, which should be published in the coming days. Their experiences may reveal even more about the way this presidential election was managed.

Gennady Zyuganov, the candidate from the Communist Party, has already promised to dispute the election’s results. “We have evidence of electoral fraud, and we will take legal recourse,” he told reporters.

According to the electoral body, only Dmitri Medvedev, the chosen successor of President Vladimir Putin, was accurate in his filings. Vladimir Zhirinovsky, the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, allegedly withheld 12 million 638 thousand rubles (€349,414 or $516, 083) worth of investments, and a 25 thousand ruble salary from the Moscow State Open University. According to tax records, the candidate also owns a 574 square meter plot of land in the Saratov oblast.

Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov allegedly left of the value of presents received from the “Patrons of Art of Century” International Welfare Fund. The total value is estimated at 17,084 rubles (€472 or $697).

Andrei Bogdanov, of the Democratic Party failed to declare the Moscow apartment of his wife, Irina. The CEC notes that the couple has joint ownership of the 64.3 square meter flat.

The fourth and final candidate, Dmitri Medvedev, apparently filed everything correctly. Political experts had earlier scoffed at his paperwork, which states that the First Deputy Prime Minister earns just $71,000 per year. The candidate holds a second job as chairman of Gazprom, Russia’s natural gas monopoly, from which no income was declared. The company earned $13 billion in profits for 2006. According to the records, Medvedev also doesn’t own a car, and shares his wife’s 9-year-old Volkswagen Golf.

The Commission reiterated that it will not revoke the registrations of any of the candidates. However, the information will be published in the agency’s informational posters, and may be publicly embarrassing.

One candidate, Zyuganov, has questioned the allegations. “I am astonished at such a remark, because I didn’t receive any presents from the “Patrons of Art of Century” International Welfare Fund,” he told Interfax. “This fund bestowed me with its award for helping orphanages, and I was given a folder and booklet about the fund’s activities. That’s all that I can say.”

The candidate’s press-service explained:

“Since Medvedev isn’t taking a leave of absence, but is actively continuing to work in the role of the government’s first deputy chairman, his schedule is booked with trips to the regions and business meetings on various affairs.”

Medvedev carries an endorsement from President Vladimir Putin, and most analysts predict that he will take a sweeping victory on March 2nd. Still, the move may cast yet another shadow on the fairness of the election.

Earlier this week, a senior official from the Communist Party commented that their candidate, Gennady Zyuganov, may step down from the race. He noted that a refusal from Medvedev, the “successor” candidate, to participate in an open, televised debate adds a “solid argument” for such a move. Zyuganov is currently ranked second in national polls.