Moscow authorities have blocked attempts to legally register the protest there, claiming that the “Young Russia” pro-Kremlin youth group has already planned gatherings in every large public meeting point in the capital. They have refused to negotiate with The Other Russia, or provide an alternate route. The Other Russia plans to question the decision in court, and will go ahead with the demonstration.

In St. Petersburg, city officials have re-negotiated the route of the March. Protests will also be held in dozens of Russian regions.

The primary slogans of the demonstrations will be: “Down with autocracy and succession!” “All power to the Constituent Assembly!” and “False-Dmitri out of the Kremlin!”

The nationwide protest action will commemorate a historic day in Russian history, when the Romanov dynasty abdicated power to the Constituent Assembly in 1917.

“The systematic and massive falsifications allowed in the December 2nd Parliamentary elections, and the designation of March 2nd as the formal date of power transfer from Vladimir Putin to Dmitri Medvedev violate the democratic foundation of the Russian Constitutional system,” the coalition wrote in a statement.

Past demonstrations have drawn thousands of participants, and have frequently been met with violence on the part of law enforcement. During the most recent set of protests in November, Garry Kasparov, the chairman of the United Civil Front, and a leader of The Other Russia coalition was arrested and jailed for five days.

Cities / Times / Locations

The following information will be updated as further details are released.

Moscow:
When: March 3rd, 2008. 17:00 Moscow time
Where: Turgenevskaya Ploschad (near the Chistye Prudy and Turgenevskaya metro stations)

St. Petersburg:
When: March 3rd, 2008. 1700 St. Petersburg time.
Where: Outside the Oktyabrsky Large Concert Hall (http://www.bkz.sp.ru/ ) (near the Ploschad Vosstania metro station)

Afterwards, an “Other Music” rock concert featuring St. Petersburg musicians will be held in the Chernyshevky garden, the end-point of the demonstration.

Tambov, Tambov Oblast:
What: A picket in support of the Marches of Dissent
When: March 3rd, 2008. 1500 local time.
Where: Outside the representative office of the president in Tambov, Ulitsa Internatsionalnaya (International Street), house 33.

Irkutsk, Irkutsk Oblast:
What: A meeting in support of the Marches of Dissent
When: March 3rd, 2008. 1700 local time.
Where: Outside the offices of the regional administration

Kaluga, Kaluga Oblast:
What: A “Meeting of Dissenters”
When: March 3rd, 2008. 1600 local time.
Where: Staryi Torg Ploschad (Staryi Torg Square), in front of the offices of the regional administration

Syktivkar, Komi Republic:
What: A meeting in support of the Marches of Dissent
When: March 3rd, 2008. 1700-1830 local time.
Where: Stefanovsk Ploschad (Stefanovsk Square).

Omsk, Omsk Oblast:
What: A picket of citizens dissenting with the anti-democratic model of succession
When: March 3rd, 2008. 1700-1800 local time.
Where: The square outside of the Muzikalny (Musical) theater.

Ulan-Ude, Buryat Republic:
What: A picket of The Other Russia coalition
When: March 3rd, 2008.
Where: The square of the 1905 Revolution

Pskov, Pskov Oblast:
What: A meeting of the opposition.
When: March 3rd, 2008.
Where: Letny Sad (Summer Garden)

Asotov was just one of many opposition activists to be arrested in St. Petersburg. At least two organizers were held on February 23rd without charges after they were distributing literature. Olga Kurnosova, the leader of the St. Petersburg branch of the United Civil Front, commented that the actions from law enforcement were unwarranted and illegal, and that detentions and beatings were continuing.

On February 22nd, city authorities sanctioned a Dissenters’ March to be held in St. Petersburg on March 3rd, with an amendment that changed the final end-point of the protest. They had initially refused to register the demonstration. Event organizers are prepared to agree to the new itinerary.

Dissenters’ Marches will be held in St. Petersburg, Moscow and other Russian cities on March 3rd, one day after presidential elections are held. The primary slogans will be: “Down with autocracy and succession!”, “All power to the Constituent Assembly!”, “False-Dmitri out of the Kremlin!” The nationwide protest action will commemorate a historic day in Russian history, when the Romanov dynasty abdicated power to the Constituent Assembly in 1917.

“The systematic and widespread falsifications allowed in the December 2nd Parliamentary elections, and the designation of March 2nd as the formal date of power transfer from Vladimir Putin to Dmitri Medvedev violate the democratic foundation of the Russian Constitutional system,” The Other Russia Coalition wrote in a statement.

According to the coalition’s press agency, the primary slogans of the demonstrations will be: “Down with autocracy and succession!” “All power to the Constituent Assembly!” and “False-Dmitri out of the Kremlin!”

The nationwide protest action will commemorate a historic day in Russian history, when the Romanov dynasty abdicated power to the Constituent Assembly in 1917.

“The systematic and massive falsifications allowed in the December 2nd Parliamentary elections, and the designation of March 2nd as the formal date of power transfer from Vladimir Putin to Dmitri Medvedev violate the democratic foundation of the Russian Constitutional system,” the coalition wrote in a statement.

Past demonstrations have drawn thousands of participants, and have frequently been met with violence on the part of law enforcement. During the most recent set of protests in November, Garry Kasparov, the leader of the United Civil Front, and a leader of The Other Russia coalition was arrested and jailed for five days.

The Year In Review: Whispering, We’ll Survive
December 27th, 2007
Natella Boltyanskaya
Yezhednevny Zhurnal

If we speak about feelings on the departing 2007 year, then for me they are such. Authority that’s shameful. Shameful for cynicism and pettiness, impudence and lies. Further still, the tendency to take revenge upon everyone deemed persona non grata is, in my opinion, categorical. Just don’t try to sing a song of “Oh, what a bad person … is.” There could be any name there. Bukovsky… Kasparov… Storchak… Khodorkovsky… Chervochkin… Gozman… Litvinenko… Arap… Anyone can compose this list at their own discretion; this list could be of any length.

I’ll recall the principle of lawfulness once more – you must be judged and condemned not based on who is extremely unsympathetic toward you, but for what you’ve done and only what you’ve done. No one doubts that the government is stronger than each of its citizens. Well, then – it’s indecent when the government demonstrates this to a specific person using the arms of its employees: look what we can do to you. The question isn’t about lawful retaliation for breaking such-and-such a law, but about the decision, taken at the top (where no one will ever say, even though everyone understands, that we’ve built a vertical [chain of command]). And the essence of the decision – we’ll detain, cripple, jail, kill you. Because we can do this. We can send over an instigator to a person, carrying out their civic right to a solitary picket. [Under Russian law, one person can demonstrate anywhere at any time without a permit, but an unregistered group of two or more can be shut down and arrested.] And this instigator will, without hesitation, explain why he’s been sent there.

Shameful for these authorities so much so, that enough about them already. Better yet, let’s talk about the society. About a certain number of people united under one nationality. And not about the mythical numbers of “encouragers” and “approvers”. So then, this certain number of people could be displeased with what’s happening in the country at the present moment. And it completely doesn’t mean that they’re enemies. They simply don’t agree. Like the pensioners, who once went into the streets didn’t agree, being against the monetization of their benefits. Thank God, that then we managed without clubs. Currently, the situation has reached a stalemate. The Russian citizen doesn’t have space to express her disagreement. You cannot vote differently, as everything was counted up long before your vote… Incidentally, this is about the authorities again by now, of which we’re shameful.

So then voting – doesn’t work. And all the other means of expressing disagreement [or dissent] can be equated with extremism or crushed without explanation in any way that’s commanded. An opposition organization doesn’t have space in a city of many millions, where any place with a room and more than 100 seats can be had by just about anyone for money? To what extent must these authorities sh.., excuse me, soil themselves, in front of the opposition, to deal with the dissenters in such a way?

Furthermore, my dear little bears and cubs, including the polar and koalas, help me understand: If the same number of OMON [Special Forces] simply preserved order at such a demonstration, and didn’t suppress it, what would be so terrifying about that? One gets the impression that these guys are instigating bloodshed themselves, considering that in the present day, the steam release valve is being shut time and time again. How much do you need to fear [Natalya] Morar, a journalist, to deport her by secret decree from the country (see above – to take revenge anyone deemed persona non grata). If there are so few of these dissenters [as the authorities claim], they why are they so pressured? Kasparov won’t muster the votes for the presidency? The let him lead an assembly and register his candidacy fairly. And since you won’t give him the chance to do it, does it mean you’re afraid he will gather [the votes]? There has not, is not, and won’t be an answer. It’s not the tsarist practice to give answers. It’s not a tsarist practice to obey the law. To hell with them, I’m talking about you and me! Almost every one of us is given the illusory opportunity to close up in our shells, turn off the damn idiot box and… earn money (as much as they permit), read books, run about the internet, as long as it isn’t fixed…

And if your apartment is robbed, then don’t go looking for justice, because the militsiya is catching dissenters, and it’s not up to catching thieves. And if a civil servant’s son or brother runs down your relative – forget it, there won’t be justice. Your place, citizens, is the state of a hedgehog that’s being threatened. Roll up into a ball, gather up everything you can within yourself, and lie there quietly. Don’t spring up! I personally know many people, who completely don’t like Garry Kimovich [Kasparov], but who go to these Dissenters’ Marches, because there is no such law to “not spring up.”

[…]

It’s time to make sense of the situation and take a constructive decision – all of us. Otherwise, we’ll be crushed one at a time.

I understand, that’s it’s easy for me to appeal for constructiveness to those, who have probably thought about it on their own. But there isn’t another way out. The direction that the whole country is moving in is abominable. And the society is starting to understand. Late, because a system of repression is already up and running. But it’s starting, as it should. True, you and I may not live to see those days, when this oil and imperial-hubris inflated bubble pops… But the borders are still open… And if you don’t like it, get out… But why does one need to leave from their country – their native land, you say?

Because you have been designated an enemy from the very highest rostrum. But what if they made a mistake at this rostrum? But they couldn’t be mistaken, since oil prices are out of this world. And when they collapse, the dissenters won’t be beaten to death one by one, as was Chervochkin, the National Bolshevik [activist]. By then [the authorities] will be giving the order to shoot them in public gathering sports. Is that what you’re waiting for? You think that there will be enough satiety during your time? You are wrong – it’s for THEIR time that there will be enough satiety, they aren’t thinking about you. You should be thinking of yourself, since the law can (theoretically) protect you – us. But they will now be making whatever laws they need… And here I am, not talking about the authorities again, for whom I’m yet again ashamed. This is about you and I, who likely had our last hurrah when NTV was shut down… And continue to have it every time that someone is killed, and we are quiet, such and such was thrown in the nuthouse, and we have our step-mother’s anniversary… Of course, perhaps those arrested, crippled, killed, and disappeared without a trace don’t worry us… The trouble is that every one of us is next in line. Just by chance walking down the street.

Today we are seeing a systematic and practically daily violation of the fundamental law of the Russian Federation. This law is being broken, as I understand it, with full backing and permission of the guarantor. Because if the guarantee is real, and not phony, it must punish and demonstrate what happens to transgressors at the first violation. But if the punishment and browbeating hasn’t happened even once, then it means that any law relating to you could be broken. Likely, it can be suffered if you take on the attitude of the hero in “The Suicide,” the [Nikolai] Erdman stage play: “God perish the thought. Do you really think we’re doing something against the revolution? We haven’t done a thing since the day it started. All we do is visit one another and talk about how hard life is. Because life is easier when we can say life is hard. For God’s sake, don’t deprive us of our last means of survival. Let us say that life is hard. Let us say it in a whisper, “Life is hard.” Comrades, I implore you on behalf of millions of people: Give us the right to whisper. You’ll be so busy constructing a new life that you’ll never even hear us. I guarantee it. We’ll live out our entire lives in a whisper.” (The play was written at the end of the 1920s.)

Translated by theotherrussia.org.

“We are convinced that the pressure on the newspaper wasn’t a one-time action before the ‘Dissenter’s Marches.’ The authorities are dead-set on destroying the publication,” commented Alevtina Ageeva, the director of the “Noviy Peterburg” publishing house.

According to Ageeva, the authorities squeezed her paper’s internet provider, under the pretense that the “website was not registered.” “We consulted with Rosokhrankultura [the Federal agency which regulates mass media],” she said, “and found out that no such registration is required.”

“Noviy Peterburg” has already received one official warning for publishing “extremist material,” an accusation frequently targeted at opponents of the Kremlin. A second warning would shut down the publication.

Pressure from above began in the run-up to recent opposition demonstrations known as “Dissenters’ Marches,” and the December 2nd State Duma elections. The marches took place on November 24th and 25th in Moscow and St. Petersburg, respectively.

On November 23rd, the editorial offices of “Noviy Peterburg” were raided and searched. The previous day, the paper never went out to readers because of materials discussing the upcoming protest. The St. Petersburg newspaper facility, which has published the paper for 17 years, told editors that it couldn’t print the journal on that day “in connection with over-congestion.” The paper’s co-founder, Nikolai Andruschenko, had written an article titled “Why I’m going to the ‘Dissenter’s March.” On the day of the march, he was arrested in his home for “calling for extremist activities.”

On November 20th, a Moscow district court revoked “Duel’s” registration, after a search by Rosokhrankultura found that the publication “called for the implementation of extremist activities.”

As of December 9th, two of the websites once again live, and only “Moskovskiye Vorota” remained offline.

Today on the first day of the conference it was announced that Other Russia will participate in this year’s parliamentary elections (December 2). Previously we had planned to ignore these elections to protest the inevitable bias and corruption they represent. After discussions, it was decided that it was important to participate in order to make a statement for democracy in Russia and to show the Putin regime that they are not unopposed. Other Russia will develop a list of 450 people to register with the parliamentary election committee.

At the press conference, United Civil Front leader Garry Kasparov said that by this autumn, “the situation in Russia will be greatly aggravated because the regime cannot offer an adequate solution for 2008. There can be no smooth transition of power in an authoritarian system. They have no idea what will happen when Putin leaves.” Kasparov also cited the widening gap between rich and poor in Russia as another potential catalyst for unrest in the country before the end of the year.

Kasparov was asked about the plans for more Dissenters’ Marches in the fall, and he responded positively. “We will continue our outdoor rallies and marches to draw support to our campaigns for the parliamentary and presidential elections.”

NB: The Conference is being held at the Lesnaya Holiday Inn, and we wish to extend our thanks and respects to the proprietors of the hotel for not giving in to the pressure that led the Marriott-owned Moscow Renaissance Hotel to decline to host our conference.

The United Civil Front considered and continues to consider that the 2nd Conference of The Other Russia, which takes place in Moscow on July 7-8th, has great value both for the opposition movement and for all the citizens of Russia who connect their hopes for the future with this movement. First, it should review the completed season of events. Second, it should plan for the next political period, when presidential elections will occur in Russia. That period will resolve the question of authority in the country – at least for the following four years.

Meanwhile, we are regretfully compelled to declare that in recent months the Political Council of The Other Russia has encountered serious disagreements on a number of key questions. We had hoped to resolve them during preparations for the Conference, but these hopes have not been realized.

Already in the spring of this year, the directors of the People’s Democratic Union, headed by Mikhail Kasyanov, declared they would “cease participation in Dissenters’ Marches.” They never provided convincing explanations for this posture to their partners in the coalition. However, at that moment the United Civil Front did not consider it constructive to make an issue out of their decision and, together with our other colleagues from The Other Russia, put in maximum effort to finish the political season successfully.

During preparation for the Conference it was determined that disagreements between the People’s Democratic Union and the other participants of Political Council are of a deep, insurmountable character considering the late stage. This was especially apparent over the key subject of the Conference: a program for selecting a unified opposition candidate. The United Civil Front insisted, and continues to insist, that this procedure should take place publicly and democratically and that as many supporters of change as possible should take part. We consider it necessary to carry out regional conferences in a majority of regions of the Russian Federation for the realization of this Other Russia program. There will be elections by the delegates at the autumn opposition congress and the united candidate for the presidential elections will be ascertained.

The main aim of these conferences is to involve the greatest possible number of citizens in the elective process. In this connection, it is important to invite activists from even those organizations whose national directors are not ready show stiff opposition to Putin’s regime. The regional conferences should be allowed to nominate presidential candidates and these candidates, if supported by a specific segment of the congress, will be entered on the voting list. Thus we do not object that representatives of the political organizations in The Other Russia have automatically appeared on this list. We also welcome the names of the leaders of traditional Russian parties which proclaim themselves to be in opposition. For example – the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Yabloko.

The People’s Democratic Union has categorically disagreed with such a script. Mikhail Kasyanov has presented especially sharp criticism of the idea of promoting the candidates in an open Congress. In the opinion of our colleagues from People’s Democratic Union, the list of candidates should be limited to one representative from each of the four organizations that participate in the Political Council of The Other Russia. (Those directed by Kasyanov, Ryzhkov, Limonov, and myself.) To increase the quota to two representatives, the People’s Democratic Union insisted on abolishing regional conferences. The Congress would then turn into an assembly of citizens who would simply stamp the decision made by unknown persons to select a generic unified opposition candidate.

During discussions with our colleagues from the People’s Democratic Union they did not hide that for them the most desired criterion is predictability of result. Such an approach neglects democratic principles, limits the will of the supporters of The Other Russia all over the country, and seems to us to be extremely dangerous. We believe that a unified candidate selected in an undemocratic way cannot receive the support of the majority of Russian society and, hence, cannot dream of victory. The United Civil Front wishes to stay within the mandate of The Other Russia to realize an open and democratic program with the public selection of a united candidate from the opposition forces.

Garry Kasparov

Chairman of The United Civil Front

Moscow, July 2nd 2007

Kasparov (right) pointed skyward and said, “This is the ninth time we have marched and always under a shining sun. Even nature wants us to win!” Navalny said, “We are with you, whatever our differences, we must be united. How can it be that Russian citizens are treated like wild animals and aren’t allowed to travel freely to another city to participate in an event?” Eduard Limonov: “The authorities have not been able to intimidate us out of existence. We continue to hold up our heads proudly and to speak openly in dissent.” Oleg Kozlovsky: “Each of us alone could not achieve anything, but together we can. This is our country!” Yuri Chervinchuk referred to Putin’s regime as “Pinochetism” and that it would collapse as do all dictatorships.

A massive police presence locked down the square and prevented anyone from attempting to begin the march organizers had hoped for, despite not receiving approval from the city authorities. (“Only” 1000 were seen in the square, but the side streets all around the plaza were full of troops ready for action if we attempted to leave.) They also prevented anyone from joining the rally after the event had begun. According to the law, approval for a march is not required, only notification, but they declared our planned march illegal regardless. According to official sources, there were 720 police officers, not counting the many soldiers brought in. We counted at least 20 trucks belonging to the National Guard of North Ossetia as well as buses from six or seven regions.

There was notable participation of the local Union of Right Forces (SPS) youth activists. The SPS national leadership has preferred a quiet life of pseudo-opposition in Putin’s shadow, but their members and activists are increasingly frustrated by this stance. One SPS member handing out Other Russia fliers told our correspondent today that “we aren’t afraid of any reaction from the party. We support the Other Russia and there are more and more of us.”

A slow-moving truck with loudspeakers slowly circled the square blasting maniacal laughter to disrupt the rally’s speakers. The police did nothing about this harassment. We wonder how long such a thing would be allowed to continue at a rally by a Kremlin-supported group.

More updates and statements to follow.

Monday the 11th in Moscow, at 4pm local time, we again take to the streets for democracy. Exactly where and how is still under discussion to the last minute. After a Saturday roundtable, there are still talks between human rights groups, the organizers, and city officials. The ombudsman’s office even criticized the Moscow government for the way they discarded our latest march application. We want to march, not just to hold a meeting, and our record of nonviolence is still perfect. If Russia is a democracy, let us march! Our activists are fighting government discrimination, police intimidation, and today also the holiday season. We expect several thousand Muscovites to postpone their traditional holiday to join us in calling for fair elections and an end to the Putin police state.

There was nothing like the police brutality that occurred at the St. Petersburg rally on March 3. Today the police acted correctly and there were few incidents. Instead, they lined the path of the March in an attempt to prevent people joining once it was underway, but did not act when the sheer number of marchers inevitably overflowed the pedestrian walkway into the street at several points. Despite the intense security force presence, the number of marchers clearly surpassed the unrealistic 500 limit set by the authorities. Being forced to march nearly in single file at some stages made it difficult to count the number of marchers. Based on how many eventually arrived at Suvorva Square, they exceeded two thousand, and there were roughly three thousand attending the meeting in the square. Speakers represented the United Civil Front, Yabloko, Republican Party of Russia, and many other groups.

At the meeting, Garry Kasparov criticized the plans for ‘Gazprom City,’ the new headquarters for the state energy goliath which include a massive tower that will dominate the historic St. Petersburg skyline. Kasparov called it “a symbol of the thieves in Putin’s regime.” Former Putin economic adviser Andrei Illarionov said that the difference in police behavior indicated that things are changing. “The choice today,” he said, “is not between political courses, but between civilization an barbarism.”

Kasparov pointed out the contradictions and hypocrisy of the Kremlin’s policy and statements about the Other Russia marches. “They tell us we can only have 500 people and warn us what will happen if there are more. Then the Kremlin propaganda tells Russia and the world that we are an insignificant minority, radicals with no support. The Kremlin tells everyone how popular Putin is, but they continue to actively suppress any attempt at dissent or criticism. They say no one wants to join us, but every time we organize they bring out thousands, even tens of thousands, of troops from all over. Clearly they don’t believe their own words and they are afraid our protests will gain momentum if they don’t keep increasing the pressure.”

Other Russia leaders Garry Kasparov and Eduard Limonov were briefly hassled en route from Moscow to St. Petersburg this morning, but were allowed to travel. (Unlike when they tried to attend the Samara rally.) This was not the case with Vanguard of Red Youth leader Sergei Udaltsov, who was detained at the Moscow airport and missed his flight.