Without Dispute: Medvedev As Putin’s Consigliere

After the World Economic Forum in Davos wrapped up last week, the parallels between Russian government officials and the mafia became so vivid that they simply begged to be compared. In this article, Russian opposition leader Garry Kasparov shows how the Putin regime has truly brought this stereotypical metaphor to life.

Without Dispute
Medvedev has become the consigliere in Putin’s mafia
By Garry Kasparov
January 29, 2011
Kasparov.ru

What more could Medvedev do to conclusively expose the truth about the myth of his “contradictions” with Putin? Probably only by speaking in the Boss’s voice, which he has now managed to do. The trip to Davos has shed light on the real priorities of the Russian government and the tasks that stand before it once again. The program planned for the forum was cut several hours short by the tragic events in Domodedovo, so Medvedev was easily able to carry out his primary mission and avoid any uncomfortable questions. Once again, the lives of Russian citizens became loose change for the games of the Putin regime.

Moreover, Medvedev’s role has now been defined conclusively.

Any self-respecting mafia boss has his own consigliere to search out loopholes in the legal system, so as to justify their unlawful actions.

Medvedev already learned to handle such a function back in the ’90s, when he was legal director for Zakhar Smushkin’s company Ilim Pulp Enterprise. Now he’s reached the peak of his career – he has become the boss of all bosses (capo di tutti capi). He tells world leaders that the arrests of opposition leaders are in the legal realm of Basmanny justice, which consistently carries out the task of legalizing the privatized assets of Russian oligarchies in the West. Despite bashfully saying a month ago that he had no right to comment on the Yukos case before a sentence was handed down, now he has no problem avoiding any formal pangs of conscience. For the cool kids, who not only got rid of a successful competitor and took his business but also attracted reputable gentlemen to carve up the loot, there’s no shame in such small change as Khodorkovsky’s verdict. So discussion of possibly transferring Medvedev to the Constitutional Court appears to be only logical.

As consigliere, Medvedev successfully added Sechin to head the power block that guarantees the interests of the mafia gang currently in power.

Together, they conveyed the boss’s main message to the audience at Davos: foreign businesses in Russia have to play by the rules established by the government.

Anyone that has a problem with this situation can await Khodorkovsky’s fate. The increased confidence of Putin and his cohorts after the successful deal with BP has allowed them to openly declare, as an ultimatum, that affairs will be carried out “by our rules.”

Any hope for a “Medvedev thaw” or of disagreements within the tandem have been shown once again that their actions are in complete harmony. Although, this is unlikely to have an effect on the position of the systemic liberals, who occupy a comfortable niche and have played a key role in the formation of the oligarch state.

Now, when total control over the political processes in the country has been established, the ruling elite aims to integrate into the world economic system as fast as possible.

Although, there can be no doubt of the cynicism of western corporations promoting their commercial interests; the less aggressive the tone dialogue takes place in, the calmer they are. Any special operation, as we all know, calls for a cover – which, in this case, is provided by famous people who continue to enjoy a liberal reputation. A close analysis of the words and deeds of this “thin layer of the intelligentsia” shows that they also have no systemic disagreements with the tandem. This theme will be developed in my next post.

Translation by theotherrussia.org.